Wednesday, September 21, 2011

Violence and Politics in Venezuela

I use to invite foreigners to go to Venezuela, no anymore..... too much crime

vdebate reporter

Violence and Politics in Venezuela
Latin America Report N°38 17 Aug 2011

Every half hour, a person is killed in Venezuela. The presence of organised crime combined with an enormous number of firearms in civilian hands and impunity, as well as police corruption and brutality, have entrenched violence in society. While such problems did not begin with President Hugo Chávez, his government has to account for its ambiguity towards various armed groups, its inability or unwillingness to tackle corruption and criminal complicity in parts of the security forces, its policy to arm civilians “in defence of the revolution”, and – last but not least – the president’s own confrontational rhetoric. Positive steps such as constructive engagement with Colombia as well as some limited security reform do not compensate for these failures. While the prospect of presidential elections in 2012 could postpone social explosion, the deterioration of the president’s health has added considerable uncertainty. In any event, the degree of polarisation and militarisation in society is likely to undermine the chances for either a non-violent continuation of the current regime or a peaceful transition to a post-Chávez era.
A significant part of the problem was inherited from previous administrations. In 1999, the incoming President Chávez was faced with a country in which homicide rates had tripled in less than two decades, and many institutions were in the process of collapse, eroded by corruption and impunity. During the “Bolivarian revolution”, however, these problems have become substantially worse. Today, more than ten people are murdered on the streets of Caracas every day – the majority by individual criminals, members of street gangs or the police themselves – while kidnapping and robbery rates are soaring. By attributing the problem to “social perceptions of insecurity”, or structural causes, such as widespread poverty, inherited from past governments, the government is downplaying the magnitude and destructive extent of criminal violence. The massive, but temporary, deployment of security forces in highly visible operations, and even police reform and disarmament programs, will have little impact if they are not part of an integrated strategy to reduce crime, end impunity and protect citizens.
The presence of international organised crime groups is also nothing new, but there is evidence of increased activity during the past decade that in turn has contributed not only to the rise in homicides, kidnappings and extortion rates, but also to a growth in micro drug trafficking, making poor and urban neighbourhoods more violent. Venezuela has become a major drug trafficking corridor, and different groups, including Colombian guerrillas, paramilitaries and their successors, have been joined by mafia gangs from Mexico and elsewhere in benefiting from widespread corruption and complicity on the part of security forces, some of it seemingly tolerated by individuals in the highest spheres of government.
The government has displayed a particular ambiguity toward non-state armed groups that sympathise with its political project. Urban “colectivos” combining political and criminal activities, including armed actions against opposition targets, operate largely unchallenged and with broad impunity. The Bolivarian Liberation Forces have established control over parts of the border with Colombia, while the FARC and ELN guerrillas from the other side have long found shelter and aid on Venezuelan soil. In the context of the rapprochement between Presidents Chávez and Santos, the cost-benefit ratio behind the unacknowledged alliance between Colombian guerrillas and the Venezuelan government appears to have changed. However, it is still too early to be certain whether the government is willing and able to translate positive commitments and some initial promising steps into effective, sustainable action against such groups.
Violence and corruption have been facilitated by a steady process of institutional erosion that has become particularly manifest in the justice system and the security forces. While impunity levels soar, highly dysfunctional and abusive police have endangered citizen security. Heavily politicised, the armed forces are increasingly seen as part of the problem, enmeshed with organised crime and pressed by the president to commit themselves to the partisan defence of his “revolution”. The creation, arming and training of pro-governmental militias further increase the danger that political differences may ultimately be settled outside the constitutional framework, through deadly force.
In this highly charged environment, political violence has so far remained more a latent threat than a reality. However, as the country heads into what promises to be a fiercely contested presidential election, with very high stakes for both sides, this fragile equilibrium may not hold. Moreover, uncertainties provoked by the president’s illness have compounded short- and medium-term prospects. The greatest danger is likely to come after the election, regardless of who wins, since the entrenched levels of violence are prone to undermine either peaceful regime continuity, hand-over to a successor or any transitional arrangement. Moreover, whatever the political complexion of a future government, the extensive presence of organised crime networks is likely to seriously threaten medium- and long-term stability. The necessary actions to avoid that scenario must begin with a commitment by all sides to peaceful constitutional means of conflict resolution and with effective government measures to disarm and dismantle criminal structures, restore the rule of law and root out corruption in state institutions.

Bogotá/Brussels, 17 August 2011

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Tuesday, September 20, 2011

HRF Welcomes IA Court HR Ruling on Case of Lopez Mendoza

HRF Welcomes IACourtHR Ruling on Case of López Mendoza, Asks Venezuela to Comply

NEW YORK (September 19, 2011) – The Human Rights Foundation (HRF) welcomes the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACourtHR ) ruling in the case of López Mendoza v. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. The ruling, published Friday in Spanish, determined that the disqualification of opposition politician López Mendoza violated his political rights under Article 23 of the American Convention on Human Rights. The IACourtHR also asked Venezuela to lift Lopez Mendoza’s disqualification.

This decision confirms that the only way to impose sanctions that ban a person from standing for election or holding public office, is through criminal conviction, and not through administrative or judicial interim decisions.

"The Court’s ruling makes this a landmark case for the entire region, as it affects not only Venezuela, but countries like Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Peru—all of which allow restrictions on political rights that fall below the criminal conviction standard," said Javier El-Hage, general counsel of HRF.

On February 25, HRF filed an amicus curiae brief with the IACourtHR and asked the Court to ratify the standard set in Article 23 of the Convention, under which the state may deprive a person of their political rights only after that individual is convicted as the result of a criminal trial according to due process. In 2008, with no court sentence and under charges of corruption, López Mendoza was banned from running in any election in Venezuela for the next six years.

In 2008, polls predicted López Mendoza as a favorite to win election to the office of mayor of Caracas. Today, López Mendoza is a possible candidate for the 2012 presidential elections, and hopes to stand in the primary elections that will be convened by “La Mesa de la Unidad,” a coalition of political parties that oppose President Hugo Chávez.

In June of 1981, the Venezuelan state recognized the jurisdiction of the IACourtHR, thus rendering its rulings are binding in that country. “Given that López seeks to enter the presidential race, if Venezuela does not comply with the ruling, then the 2012 presidential elections can hardly be considered fair, according to the international minimum standard for elections," concluded El-Hage.

HRF is a nonprofit nonpartisan organization that protects and promotes human rights globally, with an expertise in the Americas. We believe that all human beings are entitled to freedom of self-determination, freedom from tyranny, the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries; HRF’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. HRF does not support nor condone violence. HRF’s International Council includes former prisoners of conscience Vladimir Bukovsky, Palden Gyatso, Václav Havel, Mutabar Tadjibaeva, Ramón J. Velásquez, Elie Wiesel, and Harry Wu.

Contact: Pedro Pizano,, Office: +1 (212) 246.8486

Read the March 1 release “HRF Files Amicus Brief with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights; Court’s Decision Could Set Precedent for Protecting Political Rights” here.

Read the amicus brief filed by HRF with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights here.

To learn more about López Mendoza’s case, watch his speech at HRF’s annual conference, the Oslo Freedom Forum

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